Anthony Obi OgboColumnsNewsNigeriaOpinion“Southeast for President 2023” Movement: An Incomprehensible Political Expedition!

Nigeria owes the Igbos. The issues of the Civil War genocide have not been properly addressed. The system since the war has been so predatory to the Igbos in every sphere of social, political, and economic development. Yet, Igbos as a group do not need a ‘gift’ of any elected position as ‘reparation’ for decades of dehumanizing constitutional policies.

― Dr. Anthony Obi Ogbo

Various Igbo activist groups have emerged in recent times advocating, demanding, and, at the same time, pleading for a Nigerian President of Igbo ancestry. Out of genuine interest, I have taken out time to study and research their opinions, especially those affiliated with two prominent groups; South-East for President 2023 Movement and Movement for the Actualization of Igbo Presidency 2023.

The structure of democratic governance is based on the legitimacy of an individual choice of government through a free and fair election process. In other words, the power structure lies with the people, their rights as citizens, and the privilege to elect or be elected in the governance system.  It is about building open, responsive, and accountable institutions and processes that serve the needs and preferences of the population. A working democratic structure ensures political participation in which all have the opportunity to contribute and have a voice on how they would be governed.

Nigeria’s governance is constitutionally structured into legislative, executive, and judicial branches, overseeing 36 states and the Federal Capital Territory. But the complexity of managing this process lies in the multiplicity of the nation’s cultural and ethnic diversity. This country is populated by more than 250 ethnic groups with over 500 languages, with divergent cultural attachments. The three largest ethnic groups are the Hausa–Fulani, Yoruba, and Igbo, located in the north, west, and east, respectively. These majority groups comprise more than 60% of the total population.

Some Background

Since her independence, Nigeria’s leadership afflictions have been an unending cycle of nightmares. The situation is worsened by different regimes, which have grappled in vain with strategies to appropriately rule this country. Without going much into Nigeria’s political past, it is significant to note that Igbos have been the most marginalized group in Nigeria’s history. The Igbos have gone through hard times, especially after Nigeria’s civil war which centered on a quest for sustainable independence of Biafra – a nation created as a haven for the oppressed regions in the East.

From policy decisions to actions, Nigeria’s approach to the constituencies in the South East has been appalling and reflects unrestricted injustice.

Since this civil war, Nigeria’s iniquities against the Igbos have been evidently oppressive. From policy decisions to actions, Nigeria’s approach to the constituencies in the South East has been appalling and reflects unrestricted injustice. So, I would agree with every argument made by those who are currently agitating for the presidency on behalf of the Igbos.

However, there might be crucial questions these groups failed to explore before advancing their proposals. Currently, there are 18 registered parties. In a complete multi-party executive system, how conceivable is their demand for a Nigerian President of Igbo descent? How would a four/eight-year Igbo presidency solve the structural problems Igbos currently face? Who on earth accepts a political office under a dysfunctional culture as reparation for years of oppression, including a genocide? If we contend that the basis for this demand is fairness or equity, how would this same system reward more than 200 other ethnic groups with similar chances to be president?

Consider the following conundrums: How reasonably can one pursue the quest for an Igbo president head-on without brainstorming on how possible the legislative component would look like? How would this lucky President function in a Hausa/Fulani dominated legislature? How would the demand for Igbo president be achieved without changing the same laws that guide individual parties? If indeed the Hausa/Fulani orchestrated Nigeria’s political system strategically marginalized the Igbos since the war ended in 1970, why would anyone think that an Igbo man would be offered presidency by the same system controlled by this group just by asking or begging?

Sometimes, memory fails us to recall that the said 1967 – 1970 conflict was a military suppression of restructuring call by the eastern region (predominantly Igbos) due to the high rate of pogrom against the people of that region by the northern regional elements. Despite post-conflict attempts to reconcile the situation through dialogue and compromise, (con-federal Aburi accord was a notable one), the northerners breached the accord on their arrival in Nigeria, and since they occupy the seat of power, resorted to military suppression of the call. The Igbos have since been the object of affliction by the central power. Nigeria currently operates a leadership structure based on systemic farce.

Against this background, how does ancestral connectivity in the Executive branch influence structural change in a presidential system in favor of Igbo Presidency? In the current Executive pattern, does the President make laws? Can he adjust the governance structure through an Executive Order? If incredibly, a party is convinced to nominate an Igbo man as a presidential candidate, who casts the vote on Election Day?

What is wrong with my people?

After studious reading sessions of tons of publications advocating this course, I was able to identify two major bases to their demands: The first, that the Igbos have never been president; Secondly, that only the fighting spirit and technological knowledge of the Igbos could save Nigeria. To be precise, in a Keynote Address presented at the inauguration of South-East for President 2023 Movement in Awka on 30th July 2019, Dr. Frank-Collins N. Okafor, one of the coordinators, stated confidently:

“I make bold to state that it is has been my conviction that the failure of the Nigerian nation is consequent on her refusal to recognize the best innovative spirit, character, and leadership of the Igboman, which can serve as a solution to the lingering socio-economic miasma of the nation.”

Similarly, Chukwuemeka Ezeife, a former Governor of Anambra State, (January 1992 to November 1993) claimed Nigeria needs a president of Igbo origin to fix its challenges. In his words, he stated:

 “If a president of Igbo origin is in place, this Almajiri business will disappear after several years…… I am sure every Nigerian knows that a Nigerian president of Igbo origin will fix Nigeria; make it grow and raise the dignity and respect of black people on earth.”

My first question is: How could we brag about the innovative spirit of the Igbos, with such worthless proposals? I searched all through the Internet for the mission of “Southeast for President 2023” (SEFORP2023) and could not find a single site. I finally found one on Facebook which reads:

“By 2023, the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria will come from South East Zone extraction. Join other Igbos as we make a Categorical Statement on the resolve of Pro-Equity Nigerians to elect a South Easterner as President of Nigeria come 2023.”

There is nothing wrong with this Mission because the goal to elect a president from a specific ethnic group is a constitutional right. However, the process of attaining this mission showcased by the promoters is what makes it comical. In a democracy, the first step to electing a candidate is through political party registration. Sadly, this group has not expressed any interest in strategizing a choice of candidate. Nope. Their mission is a miraculous appointment as president, any candidate with Igbo blood, no matter his political ideologies and individual characteristics. Total baloney!

My apprehension about this breed of activists is that the more they open their mouths, the more they contradict the very mission they want to promote.

Wait a cotton-picking minute! In this expedition for automatic nomination tickets, is SEFORP2023 going to provide each of the 18 or more registered political parties with qualified Igbo presidential candidates? Or, are they concluding that any Igbo man in Aso Rock is good enough to be president? That is not a rational path.

Also, Chief Ezeife’s contention that only Igbos can fix Nigeria further ridicules the entire “Igbo Presidency” activism because as Governor of Anambra State in 1992, I did not see a magical transformation of the State. But, who would arrogantly go to the negotiation table with such a self-seeking attitude, proclaiming to be indispensable? Whatever happens to the word ‘humility’? Yet, he is conceited about his leadership skills!

My apprehension about this breed of activists is that the more they open their mouths, the more they contradict the very mission they want to promote. Listen to Dr. Okafor again:

“It is interesting to note too, that this clamor has taken different dimensions, all trying to convince the world that the Igbo race has played a good partner in the Nigeria Project and is legitimately asking for the great reward that goes with its impeccable loyalty and services.”

What is the “Reward that goes with its impeccable loyalty and services”? Are we still discussing political governance or road contracts? If this is relevant, then we could as well push for a constitutional amendment to legitimize communal loyalty or patriotism as conditions for the presidency.

Precisely, the current generation of Igbos has lost it. The Igbo culture I was raised in abhors begging; Not for power – not for position! As an Igbo man, I was raised to be independent no matter where I exist. I was also raised to strategically monitor my political interests, know when to demand them, and when to negotiate. Igbos are not all about trading and technology but some passionate strategists and negotiators who would buy up an island with obligatory kolanut, a bottle of local dry gin, dent of personal will, and a few proverbs. So where are these people from?

We must not forget that one of the most complicated negotiations in Nigeria’s political history is the pardon of “Emeka” Odumegwu-Ojukwu who led the secession of Biafra in 1967. Former Nigerian military ruler, Yakubu Gowon was equally pardoned. But the Igbos in the then National Party of Nigeria (NPN), including Chief Alex Ekwueme, Patty Nwakobi, Dr. Chuba Okadigbo, and a few others initiated this proposal and negotiated it with their ruling party leaders without bragging about their skills. They didn’t beg for concessions either.

Negotiation in this context is simply a give and take affair, strategically stirred to bargain value. Generally speaking, Negotiation is a method by which people settle differences. Through this process, compromise or agreement is reached while avoiding argument and dispute. Naturally, in any disagreement, individuals understandably aim to achieve the best possible outcome for their position or perhaps an organization they represent.

NPN’s bargain argument was most comprehensible. This Party which struggled with a two-third majority lead to win the 1979 Presidency, was at the time facing a tough challenge against a proposed coalition of other parties. The deal was to deliver three states – two from the east and one from the middle belt to NPN in preparation for a next presidential election in 1983. The pardon of Ojukwu and Gowon thus became inevitable. The idea was to give the Igbos and the Middle belts a psychological sense of comradeship to embrace the NPN. Of course, President Shehu Shagari won that election before Buhari and his men struck with a Coup d’état on December 31, 1983.

Igbos do not beg. Igbos have never been beggars of political, economic, or social distinction of any nature.

Igbos do not beg. Igbos have never been beggars of political, economic, or social distinction of any nature. The politics of Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, from the Youth groups to Zikist Movement, the strategic role of his group of newspapers spearheaded by the West African Pilot, Resistance to Richard’s constitution, through his political leadership years, are substantiation of the administrative capacity –based on merit and excellence, of the Igbos in the spheres of Nigerian politics. He operated at a higher level of the political terrain. Consequently, Igbos did not beg when Dr. Ekwueme attained the First Executive Vice President of the Federation (in the 2nd Republic) and was positioned as the next President based on his party’s rotational policy.

Thus, it is very disappointing that a group of Igbos would converge to pursue a vague mission. A member of this group wrote on his social media handle, “What do we have to lose? There is no harm in trying.” And this joggles my recollection over the quality of Igbos in the current era. Here is Dr. Obi Nwakanma, Editorial Board member of the WAP on his argument about the Igbo Presidency by begging:

Now, you say, the only time the Igbo will work is if power remains in the South. I think this is too simple. Take a look around you, where are those Igbo men and women? Which Igbo today have the sagacity of Zik, or the courage of Okpara, Mbakwe, or Ojukwu, the capacity of Ojike or Okigbo, the fierce pride and stabilizing force of the old Igbo women, the organizational acumen of an RBK Okafor, the selfless pride of those Igbo of the last generation, who always rose to the occasion when the Igbo summoned them to great causes, including giving their widows mite without question, for as long as “they Igbo have said…”

Some Philosophical Considerations

Recent recalibration in quest for ‘restructuring’ is no doubt driving the renewed call for ‘Igbo Presidency’. The politics of restructuring has trended for decades and seems to have become an inter-generational topical issue in Nigeria. This perseverance has taken numerous approaches, but particularly outstanding, in the dimension of the Igbo politics. It is no surprise though, because the philosophy behind the existence of every state and the control of its resources bothers on politics. Therefore, when there is a damaged cog in the wheel of the politics of the state, it becomes imperative to politically restructure the framework.

Since this is so, my questions are: ‘what is the damaged cog in the wheel of the politics of Nigeria that necessitates restructuring? Have we set aside the cog disabling a positive functional structure? How can an Igbo or any Minority Presidency be feasible under the current framework which negatively impacts their chances – no matter how intelligent or ingenious? These are crucial elements for philosophical consideration because we are operating under a dysfunctional framework which cannot bring forth an independent-minded Igbo or Minority Presidency! Is this the reason my people have resorted to ‘begging’? Are we such a hopeless case?

Clearly, Nigeria is a complex subject. Knowing the “North-South” political dichotomy is one thing, but understanding the intricate governance structure requires other aptitudes unavailable on Google.

Clearly, Nigeria is a complex subject. Knowing the “North-South” political dichotomy is one thing, but understanding the intricate governance structure requires other aptitudes unavailable on Google. The current system, designed by the Hausa/Fulani led military Juntas who ruled in turns is simply a protection software for the Northern perpetual dominance of the political power. This was not designed overnight, but simply, by deliberate sustenance of a prolonged philosophy. Listen to Yusuf Maitama Sule (Dan main Kano) the late veteran politician and elder statesman, in a 1992 speech, delivered at Mumbaya House, Kano:

“Everyone has a gift from God. The Northerners are endowed by God with leadership qualities. The Yoruba knows how to earn a living and has diplomatic qualities. The Igbo is gifted in commerce, trade, and innovation. God has created us individually for a purpose and with different gifts”.

Maitama Sule was simply reechoing to his audience, their divine perspective of a united Nigeria. It is an unwritten covenant of Hausa/Fulani power domination of Nigeria’s political governance. For, within this commitment and expression, the only way Nigeria would work would be to ‘allocate’ leadership to the Hausa/Fulanis, Igbos with trade/commerce and technology, and Yorubas with Diplomatic missions and recreation activities.

This philosophy (at worst, a myth) is not new and has been in existence since Nigeria’s independence in 1960. For instance, Dr. Francois Duvalier, President of The Republic of Haiti, in his infamous letter to the British Prime Minister, March 22 1969 wrote:

 “Federal Nigeria has never since her independence shown the distinctive mark of a united nation. It has been impossible for her to silence tribal rivalries – to achieve the mixture of ethnic and cultures likely to secure national unity.”

Today, nothing has changed and that is why most Igbo activists or advocacy groups would rule out any form of a negotiated ‘One Nigeria’. But this article is not a condemnation or discouragement of any mission for the economic and socio-political resurgence of the Igbos. Rather, my argument pugnaciously faults– specifically identified actions, that would jeopardize our collective existence as Igbos and create a bumpy political tarmac for the next generation. Traveling from town-to-town appealing for a President of Igbo descent is simply one of such blunders.

Without a shadow of a doubt, Nigeria owes the Igbos. The issues of the Civil War genocide have not been properly addressed. The system since the war has been so predatory to the Igbos in every sphere of social, political, and economic development. Yet, Igbos as a group do not need a ‘gift’ of any elected position as ‘reparation’ for decades of dehumanizing constitutional policies.

Current Nigeria’s structure demands a constitutional change and a structural reformation to create a fairground for effective political governance. Professor Attahiru Jega (Chairman, Independent National Electoral Commission, 2010–15), echoed a similar sentiment in his recent case for restructuring Nigeria. He admitted that the current federal arrangement has not ensured a stable political accommodation, nor has it ensured equitable power and resources sharing. And, instead of therapeutic micro-nationalism, it has fanned the embers of its conflagration. As a remedy, he opined:

 “Nigeria has come such a long way since 1914 that it would be easier to renegotiate the strengthening of the federation through devolution of power, resources, and responsibilities than to go the route of “separation” and secession.”

Thus, it makes sense when the Igbos demand a total reformation of the governance system. Such a system would open up avenues for economic reliance on all regions. I would agree with Professor Jega that a fair system can reduce tensions, minimize conflicts, “provide inclusivity and equality of opportunities for all, and pave the way for greater national development beneficial to all.”

Reinforcing Professor Jega’s position, other northern leaders have mouthed the need for fair and equitable political structure. They opine that a north-controlled central government has not shown any sincerity of decentralization of power. For instance, former Vice President, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar recently stated:

“Restructuring is not just about the devolution of powers to the states, it is about transforming the respective roles of the federal, state and local governments to perform more efficiently in matters of territorial as well as economic governance. Above all, when we talk about restructuring, we are not talking about just constitutional tweaks, we are talking about a cultural revolution. It is not about re-shuffling a few responsibilities or resources, but about disrupting the authoritarian politics our democracy has inherited from its military and colonial rulers of past.”

We can thus safely surmise that an Igbo Presidency under the current structure would be futile – or at best the enthronement of a ‘Northern Stooge of Igbo descent’, who would continue the travesty of the northern stranglehold. I agree that the Igbo intelligentsia has a noble basis in their quest for an Igbo President, however, the current political framework is inimical – unless the democratic governance structure is reviewed.

Let me emphasize here that a call for organizational restructuring of Nigeria’s governance system is not an advocacy for secession. A structural change is critical for a sustainable power shift. The basic culture of impartial democratic governance must entail an enduring capacity for justice and fairness to benefit every region. This structure must dovetail total separation of powers, independence of all arms of government, application policies under the rule of law, and fair collection and allotment of the revenue.

Igbos do not need to Igbonize Aso Rock to survive because they have persevered over the years on their own without a free treatment by the system. We do not need to humiliate ourselves by being beggarly and compromising in our quest for Igbo Presidency.

A Call for Strategic Path

Igbos need to be strategic and articulate. We need to have a clear mission that is not center-dependent. The Igbos need an enabling environment for industry and economic operations. We need to build on our individual and collective strengths and work at the issues that divide us. The Igbos need a roadmap for ethical backward integration on the path to cultural identity rediscovery. We need to develop and independently work on the economic and infrastructural development of the region. We must task current regional Governors to honestly work the progressive path for the region – and, creating an enabling environment for industrialization via foreign investment. We must first force out corrupt leadership and entrench the culture of honest living among our youth. Simply put, we need first to put our houses in order, otherwise, we would become audition models for circus clowns.

And I would also commit that, the Hausa/Fulani led the Nigerian government needs to ‘get their knees off of the constitutional and structural reformation of the system’.  Then, watch the Igbos breathe, and take a leap to the highest echelon of success with or without a presidential ticket.

Without this reform, Nigeria’s governance system would  remain in its present dead state.

♦ Professor Anthony Obi Ogbo, Ph.D. is on the Editorial Board of the West African Pilot News.

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References:

  1. CABLE NEWS (2020). Ezeife: A president of Igbo extraction can fix Nigeria (The Cable News). https://www.thecable.ng/ezeife-a-president-of-igbo-extraction-can-fix-nigeria
  1. JEGA, A.M. (2017). Towards Restructuring of the Nigerian Federal System.. https://intervention.ng/20734/
  1. NWAKANMA, O. (2020). The Current Igbo Are “Inferior Igbo” https://www.westafricanpilotnews.com/2020/05/29/the-current-igbo-are-inferior-igbo/
  1. OGBO, A.O. (2010, 2015). 336 Hours in Nigeria: Phenomenology of a broken nation https://www.amazon.com/gp/product/B015S2F388/
  2. OKAFOR, F. N. (2019). Igbo Presidency 2023: A Legitimate Project in Scientific Perspective. https://www.facebook.com/452583175306968/posts/igbo-presidency-2023-a-legitimate-project-in-scientific-perspectivefrank-collins/476854129546539/
  1. OKOYE, C.U. (2020). The quest and necessity for Nigerian President of Igbo extraction. https://businessday.ng/opinion/article/the-quest-and-necessity-for-nigerian-president-of-igbo-extraction/
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