Once again, the argument for a restructured Nigeria appears plausible as states frantically search for their best response in managing COVID-19 in line with each state’s standing with the deadly virus. Nigeria so far has recorded over one thousand, three hundred confirmed cases, with about forty deaths.
Looking at the demographics in states, one sees that the virus did not adopt Nigeria’s federal character in its spread. Instead, it is spreading according to how predisposed a state is at having a case and at managing it. It is not surprising, therefore, that out of the thirty-six state structure in Nigeria, the virus has only been recorded in about twenty-five states. In those states, the numbers and levels of infection vary significantly.
Lagos state as Nigeria’s economic capital and the country’s gateway is paying a considerable price with over seven hundred active cases. So far, the state is leading the war against the virus relentlessly. On the other hand, Enugu state has about two cases. Assuming Enugu has as many cases as Lagos, the calm and ease in the state will undoubtedly disappear. Also, Sokoto state has about ten cases, while Rivers state has only six confirmed cases.
Meantime, state governors are the ones leading the fight against the virus in their various states and for now, we have seen that however good or bad any state has grip on the fight against the virus, it is almost exclusively dependent on how the state government is responding to it. In Cross River state, the governor says he is not particular about sending samples for testing simply because there is no cure. Instead, he said, his approach is to get the people living in the state to take all precautionary measures and then also use face masks which are produced in the state.
A significant takeaway is that while this is a public health crisis and requires a professional medical approach, yet, there could be many measured, professional therapeutic approaches to how different states decides to respond to COVID-19, and the results still turn outright. This, in essence, is the nucleus of restructuring in Nigeria. Put differently, and the federating units should be empowered to device their path to development, much like the states are devising their response to COVID-19.
Therefore at times, one is barely sure of what Nigerians are looking for. Even among the policymakers, frequently, they are talking about a weak central government and a powerful regional government, which is undoubtedly a confederation.
Quite bluntly, most times when Nigerians talk of restructuring, they move from arguing for fiscal federalism to true federalism, sometimes to regionalism or geopolitical zone model. At other times, they stretch it to a confederacy. Therefore at times, one is barely sure of what Nigerians are looking for. Even among the policymakers, frequently, they are talking about a weak central government and a powerful regional government, which is undoubtedly a confederation. Or they want the states to have more power over its resources and derivatives, with which comes more responsibility.
But in fairness, looking at the federal system of government, one can see that each federal system is true to those that practice it. There is no perfect model of the central system of government. The argument is whether this federalism or that over there is akin to a glass of cup is either half full or half empty. This is because fundamentally, federalism can be either centrifugal or centripetal, whatever is in between is dependent on the political culture and how politicians operate within that polity.
None supports development while the other supports underdevelopment. On the contrary, a country with centrifugal can attain development while the one with centripetal can equally achieve growth. Nigeria’s federalism is well within the diffusive model. Hence, I often argue restructuring of Nigeria in terms of each state developing at its own pace. States do not have to be more potent than the federal government to grow at their own pace and being weaker than the central government notwithstanding; they can develop on their terms.
If, for instance, Lagos bears the consequences of its status as Nigeria’s economic capital, invariably, it will have the highest number of COVID-19 cases. Lagos should develop on its terms and at its own pace to meet the needs of the people of Lagos. The demand for its infrastructure and amenities are enormous. A metropolitan city it size compared in terms of all indices of development to other economic capitals like New York and Tokyo. There should be less concern that Lagos will outshine other states because it has its unique gains, challenges, and responsibilities. The pull of talents, innovations, and the taxes realized in Lagos, in addition to other natural endowments and comparative advantages, should work for Lagos and help it achieve its full potentials.
If state governments are entirely in charge of managing COVID-19 within their territories, they should also take full charge of developing their states to meet their precise needs in all sectors of their economies and facets of the enterprise.
This same principle should also apply in Anambra, Kano, or Akwa Ibom states. With that, each state government must be in charge and take responsibility just as they are doing now to contain COVID-19 outbreaks in their respective states, with the federal government providing assistance where necessary. Whether a federal system is bottom driven or top driven is not a setback. But the federating units are empowered by the constitution to develop at their own pace, relying on their comparative advantages. If state governments are entirely in charge of managing COVID-19 within their territories, they should also take full charge of developing their states to meet their precise needs in all sectors of their economies and facets of the enterprise.
It is, to be sure, impossible for Nigeria to accomplish national development and industrialization without the federating units leading developmental efforts depending on their peculiar strength and advantage. Just like the fight against COVID-19, Rivers state will rely on its advantages and develop along that line. The same goes for Anambra and all the states of the federation. Nonetheless, Nigeria can still revert to the regionalism of the first republic or restructure along geopolitical zone so that the zones become the new federating units.
In any case, however, the fundamental remains that the federating units are constitutionally empowered to pursue development at their own pace. With this in place, governance will only be reserved for people who are creative and who knows how to harness the peculiarities and comparative advantages of their states. Management will become a bit challenging and be left for people who are serious-minded and who can assemble the federating unit’s human and material resources for the development of the group. There will not be free monies to siphon as it is prevalent under the current arrangement.
Furthermore, this will create healthy competition and lead to regional development. For instance, Calabar’s development as a clean and green city by the former governor inevitably led to the development of Uyo as a clean and green city. Calabar became a standard for developing modern Nigerian towns and state capitals because of the enormous efforts of the former Cross River state governor, Donald Duke, who transformed Calabar to a modern greenery city.
This could also happen in industry and commerce, among federating units. Let part of our lessons from COVID-19 be that Nigeria’s federating units can develop on their terms, and they ought to be constitutionally empowered to do so.
- Anambra police nabs 16 cultists, declares 21 wanted - April 27, 2024
- Anambra 2025 Governorship Election Might Be an Open Contest - April 24, 2024
- Anambra Assembly Passes Bill To Prohibit Secret Cults - April 24, 2024
